How many polish people live in usa

Polish fraternal, national, and religious organizations such as the Polish National Alliance, the Polish Union, the Polish American Congress, and the Polish Roman Catholic Union have been instrumental in not only maintaining a Polish identity for immigrants, but also in obtaining insurance and home loans to set the new arrivals on their own feet in their new country. Such friction abated as Poles assimilated in their host country, to be supplanted by new waves of immigrants from other countries.

Polish Americans have, however, continued to maintain a strong ethnic identity into the late twentieth century. With the end of World War I and the re-establishment of an independent Polish state, it was believed that there would be a huge exodus of Polish immigrants returning to their homeland.

Such an exodus did not materialize, though immigration over the next generation greatly dropped off. But political oppression in Europe between the wars, displaced persons brought on by World War II, and the flight of dissidents from the communist regime did account for a further half million immigrants— many of them refugees—from Poland between and the late s and the fall of communism.

The fourth wave of Polish immigration is now underway. This is comprised mostly of younger people who grew up under communism. Though not significant in numbers because of immigration quotas, this newest wave of post-Cold War immigrants, whether they be the short-term workers, wakacjusze, or long-term residents, continue to add new blood to Polish Americans, ensuring that the ethnic community continues to have foreign-born Poles among its contingent. Estimates from the census placed the number of either foreign born Poles or native born with at least one Polish parent at near three million.

Over eight million claimed Polish ancestry in their background in the census and 9. A large part of such identity and cohesiveness was the result of outside conditions. It has been noted that initial friction between Polish immigrants and "established" Americans played some part in this inward looking stance.

Additionally, such commonly held beliefs as folk culture and Catholicism provided further incentives for communalism. Newly arrived Poles generally had their closest contacts outside Polish Americans with their former European neighbors: Czechs, Germans, and Lithuanians.

Over the years there has been a degree of friction specifically between the Polish American community and Jews and African Americans. The Polish community in San Antonio grew as young people left the farms for life in the city.

Houston attracted other young Poles. By there were some Polish families in the port city. A century later there is said to be 55, people of Polish descent in Houston. The isolation that had been a result of their language and other differences had given way through assimilation to closer ties to the rest of Texas society. It was through this war effort that their ancestral homeland would again be an independent nation. Ironically, when they returned from the service to their Texas homes, they were faced with a resurgent nativism during the s.

Ku Klux Klan harassment and anti-Polish and anti-Catholic discrimination were evident at this time. Another group of Polish immigrants arrived in Texas in the s when the faltering Communist regime was cracking down on the Solidarity movement.

About the same time, the shift of population from the Rust Belt to the Sun Belt brought more Polish-Americans from the northern and midwestern states to become Texans. Polish contributors to Texas culture include Carl von Iwonski.

The paintings by this German-Polish artist portrayed the pioneers in Texas from the s into the s. In the later part of this period, he also became known for his photography. He returned to Breslau now Wroclaw, Poland and died there in Another figure in the arts was Pola Negri, who spent the last decades of her life in San Antonio after being a Hollywood star in the silent era. A more recent film star is Nina Kaczorowski, who grew up in Houston, the daughter of immigrants.

The importance of Catholicism as the overwhelming factor in maintaining Polish identity can be seen right from that first Mass at Panna Maria. Almost immediately, as each new location was settled, a church would be started with the priest serving as principal leader and advocate to the civil society around them. Important figures among them were Rev. Vincent Barzynski , pastor in St. Through the church the Polish community has maintained contact with leaders of their ancestral home.

In the last decades, Lech Walesa, who lead the Solidarity movement and served as president of Poland, has visited in Texas, as have Polish cardinals and bishops who participate in Polish Catholic feasts.

In , amid the last wave of immigration, the Catholic bishop in Houston established Our Lady of Czestochowa Church as a Polish parish. It now has about Polish families and a school teaching the Polish language. A few people in the older rural communities still speak an antiquated Silesian dialect that is difficult for modern Polish speakers to understand.

This does not mean that Polish culture did not flourish in Ohio. The Polish communities established in Ohio during the late nineteenth century continued to flourish, although in the past several decades, Ohio's traditional Polish communities began to lose their cohesiveness.

As other Ohioans became more tolerant of the Poles, many Polish communities began to disintegrate. Many Poles moved into other communities, while non Poles began to infiltrate the traditionally Polish neighborhoods. This does not mean that Ohio's Polish population has lost its ties to its traditional cultural beliefs. Hungarian Ohioans continue to participate in various social and cultural groups that serve to promote Polish beliefs and customs. Toggle navigation.

Jump to: navigation , search. Van Tassel, David D. Grabowski, eds. Newly arrived Poles generally had their closest contacts outside Polish Americans with their former European neighbors: Czechs, Germans, and Lithuanians. Over the years there has been a degree of friction specifically between the Polish American community and Jews and African Americans. However, during the years of partition, Polish Americans kept alive the belief in a free Poland.

Such cohesiveness was further heightened in the Polish American community during the Cold War, when Poland was a satellite of the Soviet Union. But since the fall of the Soviet empire and with free elections in Poland, this outer threat to the homeland is no longer a factor in keeping Polish Americans together.

The subsequent increase in immigration of the fourth wave of younger Poles escaping difficult transition times at home has added new numbers to immigrants in the United States, but it is yet to be seen what their effect will be on Polish Americans. As yet, these recent immigrants have played no part in the power structure—not being members of the fraternal organizations. What their effect in the future will be is unclear.

In a society so homogenized by the effects of mass media, such ethnic enclaves as the amorphous reaches of Polish Americans is clearly affected. Despite the recent emphasis on multiculturalism and a resurgent interest in ethnic roots, Polish Americans like other ethnic groups become assimilated more and more rapidly.

Using language as a. My father was reading a Polish paper. And somebody was supposed to come to the house. I remember sticking it under something. We were that ashamed of being foreign. In a survey of children of Polish ethnic leaders, 20 percent reported that they spoke Polish regularly. By , however, the U. As part of the European emigration, Polish immigrants have had an easier time racially than many other non-European groups in assimilating or blending into the American scene.

But this is only a surface assimilation. Culturally, the Polish contingent has held tightly to its folk and national roots, making Polonia more than simply a name. It has been at times a country within a country, Poland in the New World.

Yet this process of assimilation has been far from smooth as witnessed by one fact: the Polish joke. Such jokes have at their core a negative representation of the Poles as backward and uneducated simpletons. It is perhaps this stereotype that is hardest for Polish Americans to combat, and is a legacy of the second wave of immigrants, the largest contingent between and made up of mostly people from Galicia and Russia. Though recent studies have shown Polish Americans to have high income levels as compared to British, German, Italian, and Irish immigrant groups, the same studies demonstrate that they come in last in terms of occupation and education.

For many generations, Polish Americans in general did not value higher education, though such a stance has changed radically in the late twentieth century. The professions are now heavily represented with Polish Americans as well as the blue collar world. Yet the Polish joke persists and Polish Americans have been actively fighting it in the past two decades with not only educational programs but also law suits when necessary.

The days of Polish Americans anglicizing their names seem to be over; along with other ethnic groups Polish Americans now talk of ethnic pride. It had been noted that clans and kinship communities were extremely important in the early formation of Slavic tribes. This early form of communalism has been translated into today's world by the plethora of Polish American fraternal organizations.

By the same token, other traditions out of the Polish rural and agrarian past still hold today. Gospodarz may well be one of the prettiest sounding words in the Polish language—to a Pole.

It means a landowner, and it is the land that has always been important in Poland. Ownership of land was one of the things that brought the huge influx of Poles to the United States, but less than ten percent achieved that dream, and these were mainly the German Poles who came first when there was still a frontier to carve out. The remaining Poles were stuck in the urban areas as wage-earners, though many of these managed to save the money to buy a small plot of land in the suburbs.

To the lowlanders of Greater Poland, the stateless peoples of the southern Carpathians represented free human spirit, unbridled by convention and laws. Both of these impulses runs through the Polish peoples and informs their customs. An agrarian people, many Poles have traditions and beliefs that revolve around the calendar year, the time for sowing and for reaping. And inextricably linked to this rhythm is that of the Catholic church whose saints' days mark the cycle of the year.

A strong belief in good versus evil resulted in a corresponding belief in the devil: witches who could make milk cows go dry; the power of the evil eye, which both humans and animals could wield; the belief that if bees build a hive in one's house, the house will catch on fire; and the tradition that while goats are lucky animals, wolves, crows and pigeons all bring bad luck. Polish proverbs display the undercurrents of the Polish nature, its belief in simple pragmatism and honesty, and a cynical distrust of human nature: When misfortune knocks at the door, friends are asleep; the mistakes of the doctor are covered by the earth; the rich man has only two holes in his nose, the same as the poor man; listen much and speak little; he whose coach is drawn by hope has poverty for a coachman; if God wills, even a cock will lay an egg; he who lends to a friend makes an enemy; no fish without bones; no woman without a temper; where there is fire, a wind will soon be blowing.

The diet of Polish Americans has also changed over the years. One marked change from Poland is the increased consumption of meat. Polish sausages, especially the kielbasa —garlic-flavored pork sausage—have become all but synonymous with Polish cuisine.

Other staples include cabbage in the form of sauerkraut or cabbage rolls, dark bread, potatoes, beets, barley, and oatmeal. Of course this traditional diet has been added to by usual American fare, but especially at festivities and celebrations such as Christmas and Easter, Polish Americans still serve their traditional food. Polish Americans have, in addition to the sausage, also contributed staples to American cuisine, including the breakfast roll, bialys, the babka coffeecake, and potato pancakes.

Traditional clothing is worn less and less by Polish Americans, but such celebrations as Pulaski Day on October 11 of each year witness upwards of , Polish Americans parading between 26th Street and 52nd Street in New York, many of them wearing traditional dress. For women this means a combination blouse and petticoat covered by a full, brightly colored or embroidered skirt, an apron, and a jacket or bodice, also gaily decorated.

Headdress ranges from a simple kerchief to more elaborate affairs made of feathers, flowers, beads, and ribbons decorating stiffened linen. Men also wear headdresses, though usually not as ornate as the women's—felt or straw hats or caps. Trousers are often white with red stripes, tucked into the boots or worn with mountaineering moccasins typical to the Carpathians.

Vests or jackets cover white embroidered shirts, and the favorite colors replicate the flag: red and white. In addition to Pulaski Day, which President Harry Truman decreed an official remembrance day in , Polish American celebrations consist mainly of the prominent liturgical holidays such as Christmas and Easter.

The traditional Christmas Eve dinner, called wigilia, begins when the first star of the evening appears. The dinner, which is served upon a white tablecloth under which some straw has been placed, consists of 12 meatless courses—one for each of the apostles.

There is also one empty chair kept at the table for a stranger who might chance by. This vigil supper begins with the breaking of a wafer, the oplatek, and the exchange of good wishes; it moves on to such traditional fare as apple pancakes, fish, pierogi or a type of filled dumpling, potato salad, sauerkraut and nut or poppy seed torte for dessert.

To insure good luck in the coming year one must taste all courses, and there must also be an even number of people at the table to ensure good health.

The singing of carols follows the supper. In Poland, between Christmas Eve and the Epiphany January 6, or "Three Kings" "caroling with the manger" takes place in which carolers bearing a manger visit neighbors and are rewarded with money or treats.

In Poland, the Christmas season comes to a close with Candelmas day on February 2, when the candles are taken to church to be blessed. It is believed that these blessed candles will protect the home from sickness or bad fortune. The Tuesday before Ash Wednesday is celebrated by much feasting. Easter is an especially important holiday for Polish Americans. Originally an agrarian people, the Poles focussed on Easter as the time of rebirth and regeneration not only religiously, but for their fields as well.

It marked the beginning of a farmer's year. Consequently, it is still celebrated with feasts which include meats and traditional cakes, butter molded into the shape of a lamb, and elaborately decorated eggs pisanki , and a good deal of drinking and dancing. There are no documented health problems specific to Polish Americans. Initially skeptical of modern medicine and more likely to try traditional home cures, Polish Americans soon were converted to the more modern practices. The creation of fraternal and insurance societies such as the Polish National Alliance in , the Polish Roman Catholic Union in , and the Polish Women's Alliance in , helped to bring life insurance to a larger segment of Polonia.

As with the majority of Americans, Polish Americans acquire health insurance at their own expense, or as part of a benefits package at their place of employment. Modern Polish, written in the Roman alphabet, stems from the sixteenth century. It is still taught in Sunday schools and parochial schools for children.

It is also taught in dozens of American universities and colleges. The first written examples of Polish are a list of names in a Papal Bull. Manuscripts in Polish exist from the fourteenth century. Spelling is phonetic with every letter pronounced. Consonants in particular have different pronunciation than in English. Typical Polish greetings and other expressions include: Dzien dobry "gyen dobry" —Good morning; Dobry wieczor "dobry viechoor" —Good evening; Dowidzenia "dovidzenyah" —Good-bye; Dozobaczenia "dozobahchainya" —Till we meet again; Dziekuje "gyen-kuyeh" —Thank you; Przepraszam "psheprasham" —I beg your pardon; Nie "nyeh" —No; Tak "tahk" —Yes.

Typically, the Polish family structure is strongly nuclear and patriarchal. However, as with other ethnic groups coming to America, Poles too have adapted to the American way of life, which means a stronger role for the woman in the family and in the working world, with a subsequent loosening of the strong family tie.

Initially, single or married men were likely to immigrate alone, living in crowded quarters or rooming houses, saving their money and sending large amounts back to Poland.

That immigration trend changed over the years, to be replaced by family units immigrating together. In the s, however, the immigration pattern has come full circle, with many single men and women coming to the United States in search of work. Until recently, Polish Americans have tended to marry within the community of Poles, but this too has changed over the years. A strong ethnic identity is maintained now not so much through shared traditions or folk culture, but through national pride.

As with many European immigrant groups, male children were looked upon as the breadwinners and females as future wives and mothers. This held true through the second wave of immigrants, but with the third wave and with second and third generation families, women in general took a more important role in extra-familial life. As with many other immigrant groups, the Poles maintain traditions most closely in those ceremonies for which the community holds great value: weddings, christenings and funerals.

Weddings are no longer the hugely staged events of Polish heritage, but they are often long and heavy-drinking affairs, involving several of the customary seven steps: inquiry and proposal; betrothal; maiden evening and the symbolic unbraiding of the virgin's hair; baking the wedding cake; marriage ceremony; putting to bed; and removal to the groom's house.

Traditional dances such as the krakowiak, oberek, mazur, and the zbo'jnicki will be enjoyed at such occasions, as well as the polka, a popular dance The Kanosky family of Illinois encountered many problems when the children went to school and learned English before the parents. The polka, however, is not a Polish creation. Also to be enjoyed at such gatherings are the national drink, vodka, and such traditional fare as roast pork, sausages, barszcs or beet soup, cabbage rolls and poppy seed cakes.

Christenings generally take place within two weeks of the birth on a Sunday or holiday; and for the devoutly Catholic Poles, it is a vital ceremony. Godparents are chosen who present the baby with gifts, more commonly money now than the traditional linens or caps of rural Poland. The christening feast, once a multi-day affair, has been toned down in modern times, but still involves the panoply of holiday foods.

The ceremony itself may include a purification rite for the mother as well as baby, a tradition that goes back to the pre-Christian past. Funerals also retain some of the old traditions.

Once again, Catholic rites take over for the dead. Often the dead are accompanied in their coffins by strong shoes for the arduous journey ahead or by money as an entrance fee to heaven. The funeral itself is followed by a feast or stypa which may also include music and dancing. Education has also taken on more importance. Where a primary education was deemed sufficient for males in the early years of the twentieth century— much of it done in Catholic schools—the value of a university education for children of both sexes now mirrors the trend for American society as a whole.

A study from U. Census statistics showed that almost 90 percent of Polish Americans between the ages of 25 and 34 had graduated from high school, as compared to only 45 percent of those over age Additionally, a full quarter of the younger generation, those between the ages 25 and 34, had completed at least a four-year university education.

In general, it appears that the higher socio-economic class of the Polish American, the more rapid is the transition from Polish identity to that of the dominant culture. Such rapid change has resulted in generational conflict, as it has throughout American society as a whole in the twentieth century. Poland is a largely Catholic nation, a religion that survived even under the anti-clerical reign of the communists. It is a deeply ingrained part of the Polish life, and thus immigrants to the United States brought the religion with them, Initially, Polish American parishes were established from simple meetings of the local religious in stores or hotels.

These meetings soon became societies, taking on the name of a saint, and later developed into the parish itself, with priests arriving from various areas of Poland. The members of the parish were responsible for everything: financial support of their clergy as well as construction of a church and any other buildings needed by the priest. Polish American Catholics were responsible for the creation of seven religious orders, including the Resurrectionists and the Felicians who in turn created schools and seminaries and brought nuns from Poland to help with orphanages and other social services.

Quickly the new arrivals turned their religious institution into both a parish and an okolica, a local area or neighborhood. There was rapid growth in the number of such ethnic parishes: from 17 in to only 40 years later. The number peaked in at and has tapered off since, with in In the s the level of church attendance was beginning to drop off sharply in the Polish American community, and the use of English in the mass was becoming commonplace.

However, the newest contingent of Polish refugees has slowed this trend, raising attendance once again, and helping to restore masses in the Polish language at many churches. All was not smooth for the Polish American Catholics. A largely Protestant nation in the nineteenth century, America proved somewhat intolerant of Catholics, a fact that only served to separate immigrant Poles from the mainstream even more.

Also, within the church, there was dissension. Footing all the bills for the parish, still Polish American Catholics had little representation in the hierarchy. Such disputes ultimately led to the establishment of the Polish National Church in The founding bishop, Reverend Francis Hodur, built the institution to 34 churches and over 28, communicants in a dozen years' time.

As has been noted, the Polish immigrants were largely agrarian except for those intellectuals who fled political persecution, By and large they came the United States hoping to find a plot of land, but instead found the frontier closed and were forced instead into urban areas of the Midwest and Middle Atlantic states where they worked in steel mills, coal mines, meatpacking plants, oil refineries and the garment industry. The working day was long, as it was all across America at the time, averaging a ten-hour day.

The amount was so large in fact, that a federal commission was set up to investigate the damages to the U.